included innovative organizational forms/communication forms

INNOVATIVE ORGANIZATION/COMMUNICATION. In general it will apply if something really jumps out at you about how the campaigners organized themselves, communicated with one another, or communicated with a wider audience. Common organizational forms might be regular meetings, hierarchical structure or a main organization with satellites. Innovative forms may include dispersed leadership (or no leadership roles at all), consensus decision making, anything that seems unique in terms of how the group works... The general assemblies of the Occupy movement might fit here, for example. One clear example of innovative communication with a wider audience is in the case U.S. street artists protest against art censorship of artist Blu, 2010-2011, in which street artists used new graphics and public art to pass on their message. In terms of organizational communication, activists in Serbia used the Internet in 1999 to communicate about future protests and the police weren't able to catch on because the use of this technology was innovative at the time. Today Serbian use of the Internet would not be called innovative by the GNAD. In the 2010 Arab Awakening a similar situation may be the use of twitter and blogs to communicate about the campaign. In Egypt, people from outside of the country were also able to lend their Internet service to Egyptians when their Internet was cut off. This sort of innovation often comes up when the usual forms of communication or organization are impossible to use or would be tactically insufficient. Another clear example is the White Rose resistance in Germany during Hitler's regime. The students in this resistance group couldn't organize openly, but to get around this they printed a few leaflets in private, asking readers to make as many copies as possible, and used women to transport them to different areas of the country because they were less likely to be stopped and searched. - The above descriptive material is by Max Rennebohm 2/13 Context matters. Whether a case deserves a tag has to do with whether the practice is innovative in terms of time and place. The wide use of twitter and other electronic forms of communication in the Arab Awakening deserves a tag because it wasn't commonplace then. Now it would be routine for protests, and wouldn't deserve the tag. At Occupy sites in 2011 the "mic-check" was an innovation. A year later it was no longer innovative. The same is true with organizational forms. The affinity group as the basic unit for mass protests, analogous to the platoon in military combat, was innovative in the U.S. in the 1960s and '70s. Now it is not. The GNAD looks for means of communication and structures of organization that are different from how nonviolent action was ordinarily accompanied in that place and time.

Cree (First Nations) stop second phase of James Bay hydroelectric project, 1989-1994

 

In 1972, Matthew Coon Come, a young Cree student, happened upon a newspaper article that proclaimed Quebec’s ‘hydroelectric project of the century’. Looking at a map attached to the article, Matthew realized that his community’s lands in northern Quebec were to be submerged by the proposed dam. It was in this way that the Cree learned of the upcoming assault to their land that had been commissioned by the Quebecois government. The Cree are an aboriginal people that reside in northern Quebec, around the mouth of James Bay.

Women form peace camp to protest housing of cruise missiles at Greenham Common, 1981-1993

 

Greenham Commons outside Newbury, England was purchased in 1939 by the Newbury District Council for the public use of Newbury inhabitants, including the collection of firewood. In 1941 this area was requisitioned by the Air Ministry for an airfield, which was later decommissioned. Despite the decommissioning of the airfield, public ownership of the land was not fully restored. Then in 1979 NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization ) bought the land from the British government for the building of a military base that would house 96 Tomahawk Ground Launched Cruise Missiles (GLCMs).

Brazilian Rubber Tappers campaign to protest the deforestation of the Brazilian rainforest region, 1977-1988

 

For centuries, those who made a living by extracting and collecting rubber from rubber trees had been virtual slaves to the powerful rubber barons who controlled the Amazon region. Attempts were made in the 1960s to unionize these workers, called “rubber tappers;” however, these attempts failed. The 1970s marked a shift in the dynamics of the extraction of resources from the Amazon. Ranchers from Southern Brazil began to buy up huge tracts of land in order to clear them for cattle grazing land.

Brazilian priests intervene nonviolently to prevent violence, 1968

 

Dom Helder Camara was a Roman Catholic Archbishop of Olinda and Recife and an activist, who famously said “When I give food to the poor, they call me a saint. When I ask why the poor have no food, they call me a Communist.” He was also the primary leader in the nonviolent intervention between a student protest and the Brazilian military in June 1968. In 1968, Dom Helder executed his campaign “Action, Justice, and Peace”, which was based on the movements conducted by Gandhi and Martin Luther King.

Argentines protest Uruguayan paper mills, 2005-2008

 

Argentina and Uruguay have a history of friendly diplomatic relations, with their countries sharing similar heritages, mutual alliances and significant cultural and political ties. However, following the 2005 announcement of the construction of two paper mills on the Uruguayan side of the Uruguay River (which serves as a boundary between the two countries), Argentina and Uruguay experienced their first significant diplomatic tensions since the 1970s.

CORE activists practice nonviolent action at Miami lunch counters, 1959

U.S. Civil Rights Movement (1950s-1960s)
 

By the late 1950s, the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) was nearly two decades old, and had grown to successfully organize a national network of interracial, nonviolent direct-action cells working towards integration and civil rights for African Americans. CORE’s interracial approach stemmed from their assertion that the race problem is a human, social problem applicable to all people. Their incredible growth between 1957 and 1959 stemmed not only from the added support of Dr.

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