(mainly or initiated by) people of color

PEOPLE OF COLOR DISTINGUISHED FROM WHITE PEOPLE. The GNAD seeks a common-sense way of understanding global social constructions of race that will work for tagging so as to meet the likely needs of database readers who are searching for characteristics of the cases. We want, for example, to assist a reader who is curious about the contention that nonviolent struggle is a white invention to find out how well-founded that belief is. For the GNAD, the following are people of color: Roma and Sami which are groups found in Europe among white people. All Asia, as far west as (and including) Pakistan. For Tajikistan, see definition of "white," below. All Sub-Saharan Africa including South African "coloreds," but excluding white settler groups like the Afrikaaners in South Africa. In Latin America as a whole: The GNAD considers "Hispanic" as of color everywhere except within Spain and Portugal. Note that database cases often use national designations, in campaigns for regime change, for example. When the nation is the unit of action, as when Guatamalans overthrow their dictator, even though there are some white people in Guatemala who may have participated, the case is tagged "of color" because as a whole the nations of Latin America are of color. White, for our purposes, includes Europe and European descent, including Italy, Eastern Europe/Slavic, while allowing the exceptions noted above. White also includes Turkey, Syria, the Middle East. GNAD cases from white countries in which there is a historical range of shades of color (in contrast to recent immigration) are assumed to be white unless the campaign specifically addresses a subgroup which might be marked as "colored" in that cultural context, for example, Maoris campaigning in New Zealand. Another example of application of this definition of "white" is the Central Asian Republics: Each of the major ethnic groups of the Central Asian Republics exhibit a broad range of skin color and facial features, for which reason they will be considered white unless the GNAD case identifies a subgroup in that campaign that is regarded, by that country's mainstream, as of color, in which case the GNAD would also regard that subgroup as of color. For the purposes of the GNAD, Pakistan will be the farthest west Asian country to be tagged as people of color and its northern neighbor Tajikistan will not be. All of the historic European groups except for Roma, Sami, and other indigenous peoples will be regarded as white, including Basques and Jews. Hispanic will be of color everywhere except within Spain and Portugal.

African Americans campaign for desegregation of department store eating facilities in Kansas City, Missouri, 1958-59

U.S. Civil Rights Movement (1950s-1960s)
 

By 1955 in Kansas City, most public facilities and privately owned businesses were desegregated. However, a report by William Gremley of the Human Relations Commission (HRC) identified the problem and criticized the practice of segregated eating establishments as harmful to race relations, unethical, and unattractive to prospective conventions and foreign dignitaries. In March 1957, Gremley attempted to address this issue and meet with William G. Austin, manager of the KC Merchants' Association, but Austin never followed through.

Fayette County, TN, African Americans form tent city for U.S. voting rights, 1960-1962

U.S. Civil Rights Movement (1950s-1960s)
 

While the U.S. Supreme Court had already ruled against denying citizens from participation in elections, de facto racism in the country’s South kept countless African Americans from casting votes well into the 20th century. Despite the fact that African Americans represented roughly 70% of Fayette County, Tennessee’s population in 1960, before 1959 fewer than a dozen had voted. In contrast to other southern states, Tennessee had none of the poll taxes or literacy tests that would formally restrict voting. James F.

African Americans of Florida Parishes, Louisiana, demand civil rights protection, 1967

U.S. Civil Rights Movement (1950s-1960s)
 

Despite passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, several outrageous incidents over the following two years demonstrated the double standard of justice for blacks and whites. Blacks were brutally attacked, murdered, and targeted in an attempted church burning, all of which resulted either in no prosecution or acquittal by an all-white jury. In 1967, the Florida Parishes of Louisiana still remained an active stronghold for the Ku Klux Klan.

Black activists, determined to carry on with their struggle for equality, decided to march straight through Klan territory.

Louisville NAACP and CORE activists campaign for open accommodations, Kentucky, 1961

U.S. Civil Rights Movement (1950s-1960s)
 

In the late 1950s, Louisville, Kentucky, became known as a regional leader in race relations due to the passage of peaceful school integration laws in 1956. Although laws targeting segregation had been passed, Louisville’s public accommodations continued to be segregated. This persistence of inequality between the African Americans and the European Americans spurred much protest in the black community, especially among youth.

Baltimore students sit-in for U.S. civil rights, 1960

U.S. Civil Rights Movement (1950s-1960s)
 

Young people powered a major part of the civil rights movement in the United States. In particular, sit-ins proved to be a powerful tool that students across the country utilized. One of the biggest student sit-ins took place in Baltimore in 1960. The goal of the sit-in was to desegregate department store restaurants. Despite only lasting three weeks, the campaign was very successful.

Black citizens boycott white merchants for U.S. voting rights, Tuskegee, Alabama, 1957-1961

U.S. Civil Rights Movement (1950s-1960s)
 

In 1957, in an effort to frustrate increasing black voter registration and the threat of losing a white voter majority, Alabama state senator Sam Engelhardt sponsored Act 140, which proposed to transform the Tuskegee City boundaries from a square into a twenty-eight sided shape resembling a “seahorse” that included every single one of the 600 white voters and excluded all but 5 of the 400 black voters.

Chicago parents stage occupation to acquire a library for local school, 2010

 

Pilson, Chicago is home to a large community of Mexican immigrants, and is one of many low-income neighborhoods in Chicago with underfunded schools. In 2011, Chicago Public Schools (CPS) faced a deficit of around $712 million in funding for education, creating what seemed like a void in the resources available for many public schools. At the beginning of the new millennium, Whittier Elementary School was one of more than 150 public schools that lacked basic resources such as an adequate cafeteria, safe and maintained buildings, and a proper library.

Orangeburg County, South Carolina, citizens and students boycott for U.S. Civil Rights, 1955-1956

 

After the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education Supreme Court decision, groups of whites advocating for continued segregation formed across the southern United States. The strongest and most notable were white citizens councils (WCCs), which began in Mississippi and erupted shortly thereafter in every southern state.

CORE activists practice nonviolent action at Miami lunch counters, 1959

U.S. Civil Rights Movement (1950s-1960s)
 

By the late 1950s, the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) was nearly two decades old, and had grown to successfully organize a national network of interracial, nonviolent direct-action cells working towards integration and civil rights for African Americans. CORE’s interracial approach stemmed from their assertion that the race problem is a human, social problem applicable to all people. Their incredible growth between 1957 and 1959 stemmed not only from the added support of Dr.

Baltimore, MD, students sit-in to integrate Read's drug stores, USA, 1955

U.S. Civil Rights Movement (1950s-1960s)
 

A Read’s Drug Store was built at the corner of Howard and Lexington Streets in 1934, when it was first praised as a local landmark and the modern flagship store for the chain. The store was located at the center of the downtown shopping district and the business grew as Read’s drug store expanded throughout downtown Baltimore and surrounding regions.

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