Russians campaign for democracy and economic justice (Russian Revolution), 1905


A key goal for many groups was also the overthrow of the Tsar, or at least the creation of a constitutional monarchy with an elected constituent assembly and universal suffrage. Generally, liberals wanted a constitutional monarchy and communists/socialists wanted to overthrow the Tsar.

Numerous economic demands were made, including an 8 hour work day, better wages and working conditions, and better conditions for the peasant class.

Time period notes

For decades before this, concessions (most notably the ending of serfdom in 1861), assassinations (including Alexander II), strikes and other actions occurred in a struggle for change in the Russian state. The campaign continued after October, mainly led by the newly formed soviets. However, the end of the Great October Strike is used here to mark the end of the nonviolent campaign because after that point violence took the foreground of the revolution.

Time period

Late December, 1904 to October 17, 1905



Location City/State/Province

Throughout the country
Jump to case narrative

Methods in 3rd segment

Segment Length

Approximately 1.5 months


Father Gapon, priest who led protestors on Bloody Sunday
Vladimir Lenin, who came out of the 1903 London conference as leader of the Bolsheviks (“majority men”)
Liberals provided a great amount of leadership (Union of Liberation)
Democratically elected leaders of workers soviets
Leon Trotsky, who attempted to reconcile communist factions
Union of Unions


This is a very difficult question for the 1905 Russian Revolution because depending on how one views the campaign, any of the groups (especially the liberals and the Marxist socialists) could be seen as the primary leader of the campaign and the other groups as partners. For example, this campaign could be seen as a liberal campaign to reform the powers of the tsar and increase civil liberties, in which case the communists, factory workers, peasants, and minority uprisings would be partners to the liberals.
Students were also partners in the campaign, no matter who the leadership is considered to be. The same is true for factory workers who went on strike to show solidarity with the massacred petitioners on Bloody Sunday. Other workers in turn joined solidarity strikes.

External allies

Minority group organizations

Involvement of social elites

Liberals were often from the small middle class or the upper class.
A famous composer named Rimsky-Korsakov voiced support for student protesters, for which he was fired from the St. Petersburg Music Conservatory. The next time his opera was performed, the crowd protested his dismissal.
There appears to have been very limited involvement by priests in the Russian Orthodox Church, although my research was not very conclusive on this question. Generally speaking, the 1905 Revolution was a revolt of the middle and lower classes against the upper class and those still loyal to them.


Tsar Nicholas II and Russian nobles/upper class.

Nonviolent responses of opponent

In February of 1905, the tsar offered some reforms along with the creation of a national advisory panel, but this only enraged campaigners more, especially the workers who were left out and liberals who felt that the council would not be powerful enough.

Again in October, the tsar attempted to undercut the Revolution with the October Manifesto, which succeeded in significantly diminishing the revolution because many workers and liberals felt that it met their demands.

Campaigner violence

Violent and nonviolent tactics were often mixed together by revolutionary (but generally not reformist) groups in ways that makes it difficult to judge which individuals were primarily nonviolent and which were not. Before, during, and after the 1905 Revolution, there were numerous assassinations of government officials, including Tsar Nicholas II. Mutineers on the Battleship Potemkin may have also shelled government headquarters in a city, and some strikers may have used violence. Outside of the liberals, violence against the state was definitely not frowned upon. This violence, however, was perpetrated by a small proportion of people compared to the numbers that participated in sustained nonviolent action, such as strikes and marches.

Repressive Violence

An enormous but peaceful crowd marched to the Winter Palace on January 22, 1905 to deliver a petition and was fired upon by nervous guards, killing hundreds of people.
The Black Hundreds and other non-governmental groups terrorized groups, such as Jews and peasants, whom they blamed for the Revolution and assassinated suspected revolutionaries.
The government arrested many leaders and members of revolutionary groups, and imprisoned, exiled, and/or hanged many of them.
Government soldiers in several other incidents fired on protestors and activists, especially strikers. One such incident happened in the city of Riga on January 26, when at least 70 protestors were killed.


Economic Justice
Human Rights



Group characterization

Factory Workers (Proletariat)
National Minorities

Groups in 1st Segment

Father Gapon
Initial factory strikers
Strike/nationalist uprising in Poland
132000 petition signers
Railway workers

Groups in 2nd Segment

Liberal professional unions form
Members of the armed forces (more would join throughout)

Groups in 5th Segment

Workers soviets
All-Russian Peasant Union

Groups in 6th Segment


Segment Length

Approximately 1.5 months

Success in achieving specific demands/goals

3 out of 6 points


1 out of 1 points


3 out of 3 points

Total points

7 out of 10 points

Notes on outcomes

While the liberals achieved nearly all of their goals and many workers felt that they had also succeeded, the tsar remained in power meaning that the communists failed and minority groups failed to win autonomy. Furthermore, Russia found itself in another revolution only 12 years later led by many of the same groups.

Despite numerous arrests and violence (on all sides), the revolution continued until some of its demands were met and the authorities failed to crush any of the organizations until their members had mostly gone home (for the most part).

The campaign began as a small strike by ironworkers and their sympathizers. At its height over 1.7 million workers were participating in a general strike.

Database Narrative

In the late 19th century, Russia’s autocracy, led by a Tsar (also czar), came under increasing attack. Alexander II was forced to liberate the serfs, but he was still assassinated in 1881 by a group called The People’s Will. His heir, Tsar Alexander III was badly shaken by this and launched a massive crackdown. In 1894, Nicholas II became Tsar and attempted to make a number of liberal reforms. For most, however, the reforms didn’t go far enough. In addition, a disastrous war with Japan from 1904-1905 shattered confidence in the Tsar’s ability to rule. For a European country to be humiliated militarily by an Asian country was shocking to many people.

Prior to Nicholas II, Tsar Alexander III's attempts to preserve his rule had increased opposition and driven many of his opponents underground. Nihilists, who wanted the entire establishment, including the tsar and the Russian Orthodox Church destroyed, and terrorist groups kept up a steady stream of assassinations and bombings against the state. Alexander III's Russification policies--aimed at homogenizing the Russian empire-had also angered many ethnic and religious groups. Nicholas II appears to have arrived too late to undo the damage of Alexander III, and his liberal reforms may have only emboldened the reformers and revolutionaries.

The groups seeking change were a diverse and very loose coalition, if united at all (see additional information for more on the beliefs of each group involved). Many of the first revolutionary groups were Marxist-inspired. While liberals sought reforms and the creation of a constitutional monarchy, the Marxists wanted an entirely new government. However, many Marxists wanted the liberals to first reduce the power of the tsar before the Marxist revolution occurred. Peasant anger also increased, as emancipation turned out to be little better than serfdom. In the cities, the number of factory workers increased dramatically due to a loan from France to increase Russia’s industrial infrastructure. These workers were very underpaid (many made less than half what industrial workers in Western countries earned) and worked long hours.

In late December, ironworkers in St. Petersburg went on strike in protest of the firing of four workers. Eventually the entire workforce of the Putilov ironworks was on strike and soon a number of workers from other industries were on strike. With 25,000 workers striking, this action had become a general strike in the capital of Russia. Led by Father Georgii Gapon, the strikers circulated a petition that called for shorter working days, higher wages, universal suffrage and representation, and an elected representative government assembly. By January 7, 85% of the workforce had joined the general strike.

On Sunday, January 9, 1905, Father Gapon led a group to the Winter Palace in St. Petersburg to deliver the petition signed by 135,000 people. According to some accounts, as many as 150,000 marchers joined them, carrying pictures of the tsar, whom they still saw as their national father, and Russian flags. Guards at the palace panicked and opened fire on the unarmed crowd, killing several hundred and destroying the image of the tsar as a benevolent father to the country. Angry factory workers went on strike in St. Petersburg and other major Russian cities to protest the Bloody Sunday Massacre.

Nicholas II hoped to undo the damage of Bloody Sunday by announcing in February that he would allow a national advisory council. His effort to undercut reformist/revolutionary demands failed and the strikes continued to grow, in part because factory workers would be excluded from the proposed national assembly. Liberal groups were unsatisfied with Nicholas II’s offers, and formed the Union of Unions to organize their protests. Peasants began protesting in large numbers as well, and formed the All-Russian Peasants’ Union to press their demands. In other parts of Russia minority groups joined in, hoping to take advantage of the unrest to press for greater local autonomy. With schools closed by either student strikes or government orders, students and professionals participated almost full time as well.

The workers’ strikes quickly became a nationwide general strike that crippled the country. Workers’ anger and desperation was so great that the strikes grew with seemingly very little leadership. Some accounts of the Revolution suggest that previous attempts at strikes had helped the workers gain basic organizing skills. By the fall workers were organizing Soviets to help govern and lead their strikes. Bolsheviks and Mensheviks competed heavily for the leadership of each Soviet, with the Mensheviks usually winning. These revolutionary governments spread across Russia’s industrial regions. Meanwhile rolling coordinated and random strikes were being used by different kinds of workers throughout the Russian empire during the summer and autumn.

The Russian Army also experienced a number of uprisings. A mutiny on the Battleship Potemkin was one of numerous incidents of mutinies and refusals to follow orders during the revolution. The crew of the Potemkin convinced and forced other ships to join it, while parts of the Russian Army’s land forces refused orders to crack down on protesters or defected. The military was demoralized from its defeats in the Russo-Japanese War, and soldiers in the lower ranks generally came from lower classes.

Nonetheless, the reformers and revolutionaries met significant repressive violence from the government, the worst of which had been the Bloody Sunday Massacre. In addition, non-governmental groups like the Black Hundreds assassinated revolutionaries and terrorized groups that they considered responsible for the unrest, in particular Jews.

On September 19, printers struck in Moscow. Although they were striking for mainly economic goals, the Moscow Printers’ Union called on all printers to strike. Workers from multiple industries joined them within two weeks. Although the workers in Moscow returned to work soon afterwards, the printers in St. Petersburg had gone on strike in sympathy and took on the political goals of the rest of the Russian Revolution campaign.

In early October all railroad workers near Moscow went on strike, paralyzing train transportation around the area. This was the beginning of a climax of the campaign: the Great October Strike, a countrywide general strike. From Moscow the strike spread to St. Petersburg and then across Russia. More than 1.7 million workers, from all industries and professions (including within the government), were striking. During the strike campaigners formed alternative governments and police groups to maintain order. The previously established soviets also took on some of this work.

On October 17, 1905, the Tsar, under pressure from fearful nobles and upper class advisors, issued the October Manifesto, promising a Duma—an elected national assembly—and reforms that placated many workers and liberals. In St. Petersburg and other cities, many workers went back to work, and the government was able to crack down on the remaining strikers. Although limited fighting between protesters and government troops in Russian cities, a bloody suppression of the Revolution in the Polish territories, and other incidents continued into 1906, the Revolution was basically over by the end of 1905.

For some liberals, the Revolution was more or less a success. They had achieved a constitutional monarchy and gained several promises of greater freedoms. These were codified in 1906 as the Fundamental Laws. However, communists still sought the full overthrow of the Tsar, and many workers, peasants, and minority groups remained deeply dissatisfied. Most revolutionary leaders, including Leon Trotsky, were arrested and many were exiled to Siberia.


There is evidence that the American and French revolutions influenced this movement. Censorship was very strict, but accounts of these revolutions and another literature calling for reforms/revolution made it through due to lapses by the censors and bootleg copies. (1)


Sharp. Gene. The Politics of Nonviolent Action. Extending Horizons Books: Boston, 1973.

Sharp, Gene. Waging Nonviolent Struggle: 20th Century Practice and 21st Century Potential. Boston: Porter Sargent Publishers, 2005. pp77-88

"Russian Revolution of 1905." Encyclopædia Britannica. 2009. Encyclopædia Britannica Online. 16 Oct. 2009 <>

The following websites were also very useful, especially the first one listed, which provides a timeline of events.

See also, Ackerman, Peter and Jack Duvall. A Force More Powerful: A Century of Nonviolent Conflict. New York: St. Martin's Press, 2000.

Additional Notes

The Russian Revolution of 1905 had so many different actors and groups that it is impossible to do them all justice. Unfortunately, I have had to leave out fascinating groups, such as Russian feminist groups, that were involved in the Revolution. -(Researcher's note)

Here is a breakdown of the main groups involved: Liberals tended to be middle and upper class individuals who disliked the Tsar and wanted to check his power with a national legislature. There were “conservative” liberals, who supported limited reforms, and “liberal” liberals who demanded a powerful national assembly along with other major reforms. Communists/Socialists can be divided into several groups. The Russian Social Democratic Labor Party was Marxist-inspired, and contained many of the individuals, such as Vladimir Lenin, from the 1917 Revolution. It held a conference in London in 1903 to discuss goals and strategies, during which a split between the Bolsheviks (the majority), led by Lenin, and the Mensheviks (the minority) developed. In 1905, the split became official and in 1912 the Bolsheviks would take control of the party and expel the Mensheviks. Another communist group, the Social Revolutionary Party, was a more populist inspired organization that appears to have been more popular in rural areas with the peasants. It was especially focused on assassinations and other violent means of revolution during the 1905 Revolution.

The dates of significant events are written differently in different sources, depending on whether the source refers to the dates from the Julian calendar (which Russia was using at the time) or the Gregorian calendar (which is standard now). The Bloody Sunday Massacre took place on January 9, by the Julian calendar, and January 22, by the Gregorian calendar.

Name of researcher, and date dd/mm/yyyy

Jasper Goldberg and Max Rennebohm, 10/10/2009 and 10/09/2011